THE GREAT STRIKE IN BROOKLYN.
Harper's WeeklyFebruary 2, 1895
THE question what wages shall be paid by a particular employer,
and what hours of labor shall be exacted by him, however interesting
it may be to the parties concerned and to their friends, and however
important it may be as an evidence of existing social conditions,
is one which public opinion is rarely the proper tribunal to decide.
The only known and accepted way of determining it is by contract
between employer and employed, after, such free barter as the
interests and views of each may dictate. Whether or not the wages
paid by the Brooklyn street-car lines were inadequate, and whether
or not their regulations were oppressive to the men, cannot be
decided by rumor, by the resolutions of striking unions, nor by
any evidence now before the public. These are proper questions
for the State Labor Commissioners. If the companies have really
treated their workmen unfairly, the necessary impairments of their
own service which follows is a proper subject of inquiry by the
courts. We have no means of knowing whether the charges made by
some of their former car-men are true, and it is surprising that
many journals and some city officers, with no better information
than ours, express passionate opinions on the subject. All such
questions may be held in reserve for the present, in view of the
serious crisis, involving the civil order of a great city, which
has followed the strike, and which presents other issues vital
to our national welfare, and to the safety of civilization itself.
Firing at
the Mobdrawn by T. Dart Walker
First Battery, Station at East New
York
"Keep the Windows DOWN!"drawn
by T. De Thulstrup
Halsey St. and BroadwayShooting
of Aherns, Tuesday night, January 22nd, by Seventh Regiment Pickets
Trolley-Car Used as an Ambulance, in
Charge of Surgeon Wallace of the Forty-Seventh Regiment
The broad principles on which modern society is founded are
deeply fixed is the minds and hearts of the American people, The
protection and enforcement of all rights of persons and property,
of liberty and education, of labor and of free speech, depend
on civil order, and the first element of good citizenship is the
resolute purpose to preserve this at every sacrifice, and to hold
all possessions, even life itself, subject to the necessity of
defending it. Without this purpose as a basis of character in
the body of its members, no community is truly civilized. Without
it in the individual citizen, the pretence of patriotism is but
the cloak of the demagogue. This principle is so predominant in
our national character that any avowed attack upon it is sure
to be met by an indignant and overwhelming assertion of the will
of the people that civil order must be maintained.
But the dangerous foes of liberty and peaceful industry are
not those who avow social disorder as their aim. It is only the
mob which proclaims a moral purpose and professes to seek justice
that threatens our society. It is when such a profession is plausible
enough to divert the minds of men from the first duty of patriotism,
the maintenance of civil order, and to weaken their indignation
against all infringements upon it, that a mob is really dangerous.
The greatest evil of lynch-law does not lie in the risk of inflicting
punishment on individuals who may be innocent. This is bad enough,
but the poison of the practice works incalculably greater damage
in gradually destroying the character and conscience of the community,
and teaching it to substitute irregular private vengeance for
the orderly justice of organized society, that is, to recur to
barbarism. Now the Brooklyn strike has been but the application
on an enormous scale of lynch-law, to punish the supposed offences
of corporations. If it should succeed it would invite working-men
everywhere to coerce employers to their demands by disorder and
violence.
From the first the managers of the strike have acted as the
enemies of the nation and of mankind. That is to say, the principles
they have assumed, and the methods they have adopted, are such
as cannot be reconciled with the existence of an orderly and civilized
people. They had abandoned work, proclaiming that they were essential
to the public service of the companies and their places could
not be filled, so that they must be recalled on their own terms.
But they did not wait for facts to decide the issue they had challenged.
They immediately organized various forms of illegal interference
with the efforts of their former employers to find help. They
resorted to intimidation, to assaults, to the destruction of property
on a large scale, to reckless disorder, for the purpose of terrorizing
the patrons of the railroads. In all this the mass of the men
were far less to blame than the demagogues who encouraged them,
advised them, and led them on, without the excuse of ignorance
or the pressure of want. Among these demagogues were found members
of the bar, who taught as law theories too absurd for discussion,
and public officers who openly declared their belief that the
success of the strikers was more important than the peace of the
city.
For a time, no doubt, public opinion was confused by the irrelevant
talk of such men as these, and attention was diverted from the
real issue. But we have not yet reached such a stage of demoralization
in any of our great communities that the principles of lynch-law
can be made acceptable to the people by any disguise. The real
sympathies of Brooklyn, of the country, and of the whole civilized
world are necessarily and earnestly enlisted in favor of the order
of society, and against all who assail it. When its enemies lay
down their arms at discretion, and submit all their claims and
rights to the decision of the peaceful methods by which every
orderly community must decide them, it will be time to consider
what these claims and rights really are. Till then civilization
is at war with them, and has no choice but to put them down.
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