THE STRIKES.
Harper's WeeklyAugust 18,
1877
IT is surprising that intelligent American citizens, as so
many of the chief railroad employees are, should have yielded
to the sophistry that attempted to justify the recent action of
the strikers. No reasonable man will admit any essential and necessary
hostility between capital and labor, and the orators and writers
who insist upon it are merely preaching barbarism. Skill and talent
produce more and earn more than dullness and ignorance; and to
demand that idleness and stupidity shall be paid equally with
intelligence and industry, is to require that common-sense shall
be disregarded and civilization stop. Capital and labor are not
essentially hostile, but they are mutually dependent. The problem
always is, not how to subject one arbitrarily to the other, bat
how to combine both fairly. They both assume the fact of property,
but the strike denied it. Of course mere striking for higher wages
does not deny it, but preventing others from working upon their
own terms does deny it. If the intelligent railroad hand who reads
this will think of it for a moment he will see this plainly. When
the men on the Baltimore and Ohio road, for instance, resolved
that the road should not be used for the transport of freight,
they were committing highway robbery on the largest scale. They
were stealing as truly as if they had taken to picking pockets
and robbing banks, for they took possession of the property of
the corporation and of the merchants who forwarded the freight.
They declared that the property of the corporation should be managed
as they (the strikers) chose, or not at all, and that the freight
should not be directed by its owners, but by them. In the truest
sense, their movement was an effort to steal a railroad and to
confiscate the freight.
What was the plea urged by the railroad strikers for their
conduct? It was that the railroad companies had wronged them by
lowering wages or failing to pay arrears. But even if this were
true, the owners of the freight, and all the laboring interests
that depended upon its sure-and-speedy transport, had not wronged
the strikers in any way whatever, and yet they were made to suffer.
For this no railroad man can offer any tolerable excuse. If he
can not punish the man whom he believes to have wronged him, without
shooting into a crowd of innocent people, he must seek redress
in some other way. But even if the strikers felt themselves wronged,
do they think that civilized society can continue to exist if
those who believe themselves to be injured are to retaliate as
they choose? What is the difference between civilization and barbarism,
between America and Central Africa, but law, and the redress of
grievances not by individual force, but by prescribed legal methods?
If a railroad workman may justly seize the property of the company
which, in his judgment, pays him too little wages, then another
man may justly steal bread from the baker whose loaves he considers
too small; or to, bring it home, if a railroad engineer or fireman
or freight hand may rightfully take the property of the company,
which is the road and the rolling stock and the use of both, then
the company may rightfully take the property of each of those
employees, that is, their labor. But what is all this but anarchy,
the right of the strongest, the dissolution of civilized society?
The further plea was that the companies would pay only starvation
wages. Very well; nobody disputes that the men were the judges
of that. They were not bound to take wages on which they could
not live. But if they were rightfully the judges of that fact
for themselves, what business had they to interfere with the equal
right of others to judge for themselves? Other men had precisely
the same right to say that the strikers should live on these wages
that the strikers had to say that other men should not. When the
strikers insisted that others who were willing to work should
not work, they were guilty of the same greedy tyranny which they
charged upon the railroad companies. If every striker, singly
or together, had the right to make his own bargains, so has every
other man in the country. If the strikers reply that all working-men
ought to make common cause, and, if they will not, that they ought
to be forced to do so, they use the argument of every despot and
tyrant in the world, and make every honest and intelligent American
their relentless enemy. One of the panders to the strike said
that the strikers were merely striking back. Doubtless there are
intelligent men among the strikers who thought that this was true.
But what does it mean? Simply this, that if a farmer, when times
are hard, says to his men that he can pay them only twenty-five
dollars a mouth instead of thirty-five or forty, and thereupon
the men refuse to work, and seize his tools and teams and prevent
other on from working for him, they are merely "striking
back." Pimps and panders are never friends to those whom
they profess to serve, and the man who says this to the farmer's
men would be the first to betray them. Some of the strikers offered
to enroll themselves among the special police to keep order, and
made a merit of permitting the mails to pass. But they must see
that they had the same right to stop the mails that they had to
stop freight, and that they are responsible for the terrible massacres
and losses that followed their action. Whether the more intelligent
men among them thought of it or not, they have now seen, with
all the world, that when they attempt forcibly to coerce other
workmen to follow them, they invoke anarchy to settle a question
of wages; and while they have their senses they know that the
fate of such a movement among the dominant race upon this continent
is absolutely sure. The moral of these tremendous eventsfor
they are nothing lesswill not be lost upon either side.
The country has learned the necessity of a thorough and efficient
local armed organization. The strikers have learned the hopeless
folly of struggling against the unconquerable instinct of a race.
Neither we nor any reasonable journal deny that there may be wrongs
that should be righted. That is a matter for investigation and
not for assumption; and for the consideration of all alleged wrongs
we urge the promptest, fullest, and fairest inquiry. But whatever
wrongs there may be are to be remedied, and remedied only, under
and not over the law, which in this country is the will of the
people.
Aftermath of Strike | Strike
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